The Two Bills
What the legislature passed and the governor tried to kill
HB 78
Protection of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act of 2026
State-level liability protections for firearms manufacturers,
distributors, and retailers against civil lawsuits arising from
criminal or unlawful misuse of their products. Modeled after the
federal PLCAA. Includes exceptions for negligence, federal law
violations, and product defects. Preempts local firearms liability
ordinances.
This bill exists because anti-gun states have been passing laws
designed to circumvent the federal PLCAA and weaponize the courts
against the firearms industry. Kentucky said no.
Override Sustained
House Override
80-19
Override sustained
Senate Override
31-6
Override sustained
HB 312
Provisional Concealed Carry for 18-20 Year Olds
Authorizes Kentucky State Police to issue provisional concealed
carry licenses to 18-20 year olds. Requires background check (state
and federal), up to 8 hours of firearm safety training, and
proficiency demonstration. Builds on Kentucky's 2019 constitutional
carry law, which allows permitless concealed carry for those 21 and
older.
An 18-year-old can vote, serve in combat, and die for their country.
Rep. Maddox made sure they can carry a firearm to protect themselves
too.
Override Sustained
House Override
81-18
Override sustained
Senate Override
28-9
Override sustained
April 3, 2026
Beshear's justification
Governor Andy Beshear vetoed both bills on April 3, 2026. On HB 312, he
argued minimum age limits "protect young people," pointing out that
Kentuckians under 21 cannot rent a car, buy alcohol, or serve as a state
lawmaker. On HB 78, he characterized the bill as prioritizing "immunity
for gun dealers over the safety of the Commonwealth's citizens."
For both vetoes, Beshear invoked Tommy Elliott, a
personal friend killed in the April 10, 2023 Old National Bank mass
shooting in Louisville. Elliott was a senior vice president at the bank
and had chaired Beshear's 2019 inaugural committee.
The real context
Families of the Old National Bank victims filed a lawsuit against
River City Firearms, the store that legally sold the shooter a
firearm. HB 78 is exactly the type of law designed to stop these
politically motivated lawsuits that blame legal sellers for criminal
actions. Beshear's vetoes weren't about safety. They were about
protecting his allies' lawsuit.
"We don't sue Ford for drunk drivers. We shouldn't sue the 2A out of
existence."
Rep. T.J. Roberts (R) on HB 78
"Firearm industry members are no more responsible for criminal actions
than Kentucky's bourbon distillers are responsible for drunk driving
deaths."
Lawrence Keane, NSSF Senior VP & General Counsel
April 14, 2026
The legislature spoke
Kentucky requires only a simple majority to override a veto (51 in the
House, 20 in the Senate). Both bills blew past those thresholds. In the
2026 session alone, Beshear issued 32 total vetoes. The
legislature overrode nearly all of them, sustaining only 3 small
line-item budget vetoes.
"Who sets the priority of policy? Not the governor, not the Supreme
Court. The General Assembly."
Senate President Robert Stivers (R)
Both bills are now law
HB 78 and HB 312 became law on April 14, 2026, the moment the override
votes were sustained. The governor's vetoes are dead. Kentucky's
firearm industry has state-level liability protections, and
responsible 18-20 year olds can now obtain provisional concealed carry
licenses.
Key voices
"This measure recognizes that many responsible young adults already
legally vote, sign contracts, join the military, serve in combat,
start a family, own a business, and work in law enforcement fields,
yet under current law, these adults are prohibited from carrying a
firearm concealed for self-defense."
Rep. Savannah Maddox (R) on HB 312
"Lawmakers in the Bluegrass State have exercised common sense by
rejecting political nonsense."
Alan Gottlieb, CCRKBA Chairman
Timeline
Jan 7, 2026
HB 78 introduced by Rep. T.J. Roberts
Jan 12, 2026
HB 312 introduced by Rep. Savannah Maddox
Jan 23, 2026
HB 312 passes House 73-17
Mar 17, 2026
HB 78 passes House 75-17
Mar 20, 2026
HB 312 passes Senate 30-7
Mar 26, 2026
HB 78 passes Senate 32-6
Mar 31, 2026
HB 78 House concurrence 76-16
Apr 3, 2026
Governor Beshear vetoes both bills
Apr 14, 2026
Legislature overrides both vetoes. Both bills become law.
The obvious question
How does a deep red state have a Democrat governor?
Trump won Kentucky by 26 points in 2020. Republicans hold
80-20 in the House and 32-6 in the Senate. And yet a Democrat sits in the
governor's mansion, vetoing gun bills. Here's why.
2019: Bevin was the problem
Andy Beshear beat Republican incumbent Matt Bevin by just
5,136 votes out of 1.48 million cast, a margin of
0.37%. Bevin was one of the most unpopular governors in
America. He called teachers "selfish" and "ignorant," claimed children
were sexually assaulted because teachers protested at the Capitol, and
waged war on public employee pensions. His Morning Consult approval
hovered in the low 30s.
Every other Republican won
On that same 2019 ballot, every other statewide Republican won. Daniel Cameron won Attorney General, Michael Adams won Secretary of
State, and Republicans swept all down-ballot races. Voters
specifically rejected Bevin while voting Republican everywhere else.
This wasn't a blue wave. It was one man being so personally toxic that
he lost a race no Republican should lose.
2023: Abortion and natural disasters
Beshear won re-election by a wider 5-point margin over Republican
Attorney General Daniel Cameron. Three factors:
Abortion. The Dobbs decision dropped between Beshear's two
races. Kentucky had a near-total abortion trigger ban. In November 2022, Kentucky
voters rejected a constitutional amendment to eliminate abortion rights, even
in this deep red state. Beshear hammered the issue. Cameron couldn't find
a clear position.
Disasters. Western Kentucky tornadoes (December 2021) and
eastern Kentucky flooding (2022) gave Beshear opportunities to demonstrate
competence in deeply Republican counties. His approval ratings hit the high
50s to low 60s, remarkable for a Democrat in Trump country.
The Beshear dynasty. Andy's father
Steve Beshear was also governor (2007-2015). The family name
carries decades of recognition and political infrastructure. Steve expanded
Medicaid. Andy followed his father's path through Attorney General to governor.
This is a genuine political dynasty in a state where name recognition matters.
Why it's temporary
Beshear is term-limited. He cannot run again in 2027.
Without the Beshear name on the ballot, the Democratic bench in Kentucky
is razor-thin. The Republican bench is deep. Kentucky will almost
certainly elect a Republican governor in 2027 who will sign pro-gun
legislation instead of vetoing it.
The real lesson
Kentucky proves that legislative supermajorities matter more than the governor's mansion. Beshear has vetoed gun bills every session. The legislature has
overridden him every time. Constitutional carry passed under Bevin in
2019. HB 78 and HB 312 became law over Beshear's vetoes in 2026. The
governor's pen is a speed bump, not a roadblock. The legislature sets
policy in Kentucky.
Kentucky's odd-year advantage
Kentucky holds governor's races in odd years (2019, 2023,
2027), separated from presidential and congressional elections. No Trump or
Senate race drives turnout. The electorate is smaller and more susceptible
to candidate-specific dynamics. This structural quirk is why Kentucky has
a history of electing Democratic governors that defies its federal voting
patterns. When the governor's race stands alone, personality beats party.
When it doesn't, Kentucky is as red as they come.
The Louisville Problem
How a deep red state got a deep blue capital
Kentucky votes Republican by massive margins at every level. But
Louisville, the state's largest city, is a different country.
Jefferson County's voter registration tells the story: 56% Democrat, 32% Republican, 12% Independent. In the 2019 governor's race, only 14 of Kentucky's 120 counties
voted Democratic, nearly all of them urban.
Democrat 56% Republican 32% Ind. 12%
Mayor Craig Greenberg
Louisville's current mayor is Craig Greenberg, a
Democrat who won the 2022 general election by five points over
Republican Bill Dieruf. Greenberg is a Harvard Law graduate, real
estate developer, and co-founder of 21c Museum Hotels. He took office
January 2, 2023 as the third mayor of consolidated Louisville Metro.
During the 2022 campaign, Greenberg survived an assassination attempt.
On February 14, 2022, a gunman walked into his campaign headquarters
and fired multiple shots. A bullet passed through Greenberg's clothing
but did not injure him. The shooter was later sentenced to 17.5 years
in federal prison.
Despite the personal experience, Greenberg's gun control positions
reflect Louisville's politics, not Kentucky's. Louisville has
historically been a Democratic machine city, and winning the
Democratic primary was effectively winning the general election. That
changed in 2024.
The nonpartisan fix
In 2024, the Republican-controlled Kentucky legislature passed
House Bill 388, sponsored by Rep. Jason Nemes
(R-Middletown). The bill eliminates party affiliation from Louisville
mayoral and Metro Council ballots. Beshear vetoed it. The legislature
overrode the veto.
The May 2026 primary will be Louisville's first nonpartisan election.
Republicans argued the change forces candidates to campaign beyond the
Democratic urban core and represent suburban areas. Democrats called
it "another in the war on Louisville." What it really does is break
the Democratic primary stranglehold that kept Republicans locked out
of meaningful representation in the state's largest city.
The pattern
Kentucky's legislature isn't just overriding gun vetoes. They're
systematically dismantling the political infrastructure that gives
Democrats outsized influence in a state that doesn't vote for them.
Nonpartisan Louisville elections. State-level PLCAA protections.
Concealed carry expansion. Every veto override is a reminder: the legislature, not the governor, sets policy in Kentucky.
The connection to Tommy Elliott
The political networks in Louisville are tight. Tommy Elliott, the
bank shooting victim Beshear cited in his gun vetoes, was deeply
embedded in Louisville's Democratic establishment. He chaired former
Mayor Greg Fischer's 2011 campaign, served on Greenberg's transition
team, and chaired Beshear's 2019 inaugural committee. Beshear's vetoes
weren't abstract policy decisions. They were personal, rooted in
Louisville's Democratic network, and the legislature overrode them
anyway.
Context
Kentucky's gun law landscape
| Year | Action | Status |
| 1996 | First concealed carry licenses authorized (HB 40) | Law |
| 2019 |
Constitutional carry enacted (SB 150) — permitless concealed carry
for 21+
| Law |
| 2026 | HB 78 — PLCAA state-level protections | Override |
| 2026 | HB 312 — Provisional concealed carry for 18-20 | Override |
Legislature composition — 2026
Republicans hold 80-20 in the House and
32-6 in the Senate. These are veto-proof supermajorities
in both chambers. Kentucky is one of 19 states with GOP supermajorities
in both chambers. The governor's veto pen is effectively a rubber stamp
that says "override me."